X000c beauty queens behaving badly

Video Transcript Transcript for Former Mrs. A former if there is America is in trouble with the law. America, Jennifer Susan Kline, seen here competing in the Mrs.

X000c beauty queens behaving badly

Lieu bio Beauty pageants have received plenty of scholarly attention in the past two and a half decades, demonstrating through critical analyses and well-researched studies that these spectacular contests perform a number of cultural, social, and symbolic functions for any given local or national community.

It is not merely about pageantry, or kitschy culture, or the objectification of women, or overt racism, or reactionary nationalism. It is about all these things and more.

And while archetypical national and international competitions such as the Miss America and the Miss Universe pageants have attempted to incorporate multiculturalism by awarding racialized and ethnic women these titles, dominant discourses still privilege standards of beauty that do not deviate from codes of whiteness.

In response beauty pageants organized by ethnic and marginalized communities have provided an alternative site of competition while simultaneously enabling those communities proudly to showcase ethnic pride and attempt to preserve some cultural lifeways.

Many members of the Vietnamese diaspora believe that beauty pageants provide opportunities for young women to take on social roles as cultural bearers. In this article I explore beauty contests of the post-refugee Vietnamese diaspora to demonstrate that the dual evolution of both the pageants and the community reflects the social and cultural concerns with which the community grapples.

Specifically, I argue that beauty pageants display changing dynamics of gender, sexuality, and social class as they adopt strategies of acculturation and articulate cultural identity through conspicuous consumption and the female spectacle.

Beauty pageants thus serve as a vehicle for promoting neoliberal values that celebrate the financial success and excessive wealth of an elite class of Vietnamese businesses that sponsor them while encouraging young women to embrace those same values.

Over a decade ago I published research detailing the cultural significance of beauty pageants to the Vietnamese refugee community between the late s and the mids and explained how they worked ideologically to ease nostalgic anxieties about gender and the lost nation.

Though at a much smaller, localized, and regional scale, the pageants prized young attractive females and assigned them cultural roles to perform figuratively and literally on their bodies in public spaces where sizeable Vietnamese communities had formed.

One considerable indicator of these changes is the removal of the Vietnamese language as a requirement. Although young women who mastered the Vietnamese language were prized for their ability to retain the most important strand of cultural knowledge, it became starkly apparent that by the late s few possessed these language skills.

And while it would be more practical to keep the Vietnamese language as a requirement, for it also served as the lingua franca for the diaspora, pageant organizers recognized the reality of assimilation, favored mass participation, and prioritized the commercial appeal of their pageants.

The new language that the pageants adopted was the language of capital. Seizing upon the lucrative success of more established regional pageants, Vietnamese entrepreneurs worked with both ethnic and mainstream corporate entities that envisioned themselves as international or transnational companies to recruit young Vietnamese women from all over the United States and the diaspora to compete for larger titles with even more profitable prizes.

Whereas previous pageant titles relied on the ao dai or "long dress" costume symbolic of Vietnamese culture and femininity to define themselves, the newer pageants sought to draw people from throughout the diaspora with names such as Miss Vietnam USA, Miss Vietnamese Free World, and Miss Vietnam Global.

These pageants included contestants from all over the world, including Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Sweden, and the United States. By the end of the first decade of the new millennium, however, pageants seeking to expand their audience base and profit from transnational sponsorship allowed Vietnamese nationals born and raised in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam to enter, indicating a more lax attitude about people from the homeland.

The overall changes in these contests—from their philosophy and organizational structure to the rules established, the prizes given, and the people involved—reveal the complex ways in which the Vietnamese diaspora negotiates gender and assigns cultural and social roles for its young female members as they all become modern, neoliberal subjects outside of Vietnam.

Here I argue that in the post-refugee period beauty pageants exist as public spaces where young women test the values and moral boundaries of social acceptability using postfeminist discourse to challenge "traditional" gender ideology. Amid these contestations a handful of crowned beauty queens have engaged in morally suspect behavior and failed to fulfill their social and cultural duties as representative female figures of the community.

By calling attention to the failed performances of the beauty queens that exemplify these transformations, I will show that in their contemporary form beauty pageants of the Vietnamese diaspora have increasingly become sites that celebrate and venerate capitalist success, financial wealth, and conspicuous consumption, rather than events aimed toward cultural preservation.

In deemphasizing the goals of Vietnamese cultural nationalism and favoring the ideals and triumphs of capitalist consumption, these ethnic beauty pageants in many ways not only engage with dominant American gender ideology but also replicate and reinforce those discourses of white femininity that were often premised upon the commodification of the female body.

The dynamics within these beauty pageants serve as a microcosm and a lens through which we can learn about the Vietnamese diaspora and the struggle of its people to forge new identities amid forces of globalization.

Giroux refers to this period that begins with the rise of the Reagan aristocracy and takes full form by the twenty-first century as "neoliberal globalization.View an archive of articles by Julie Gerstein for New York Magazine.

Last night's main challenge was titled “Queens Behaving Badly.” Julie Taymor and Bono Kiss and Make Up at the. Apr 15,  · Jennifer Susan Kline could facing prison time after allegedly making fraudulent returns at a Macy's, but she's not the first pageant contestant to get in tro.

Beauty Queens Behaving Badly: Gender, Global Competition, and the Making of Post-Refugee Neoliberal Vietnamese Subjects.

Oct 23,  · _xC_Beauty Queens Behaving Badly. Access provided by The University Of Texas at Austin, General Libraries (5 Apr GMT) Beauty Queens Behaving Badly Gender, Global Competition, and the Making of Post-Refugee Neoliberal Vietnamese Subjects Nhi T.

Lieu Beauty pageants have received plenty of scholarly attention in the past two and a. Beauty Queens Behaving Badly: Gender, Global Competition, and the Making of Post-Refugee Neoliberal Vietnamese Subjects (pp. ) Nhi T.

Lieu Empowering Women Farmers: The Case of Participatory Plant Breeding in Ten Syrian Households (pp. ). Final Annotated Bibliography- 24 sources (10 scholarly) Katie Keller.

X000c beauty queens behaving badly

2/13/ ENG Meyers. Annotated Bibliography. 1.)Wonderlich, Anna, Diann Ackard, and Judith Henderson. "Childhood Beauty Pageant Contestants: Associations With Adult Disordered Eating And Mental Health." NHI T. "Beauty Queens Behaving Badly." Frontiers: A Journal Of.

The viral video sees the teen kicking, pushing, and hitting her elderly teacher